01

Australia: the
Pacific Family's Bully

Research & Investigations
Key Findings

At the Pacific Islands Forum meetings in 2015, 2018 and 2019, the Australian government attempted to use its power and its aid money to dilute the Forum’s official communiqué and block regional consensus on emissions reduction.

In 2015, the Australian government blocked a Pacific region consensus on supporting a 1.5 degrees warming limit at the Pacific Islands Forum in the immediate months before COP21 in Paris.

In 2018, the Australian government tried to change the first clause of the Boe Declaration on Regional Security, objecting to the wording that “climate change remains the single greatest threat to the livelihoods, security and wellbeing of the peoples of the Pacific”.

In 2019, the Australian government tried to coerce Pacific islands leaders into watering down the ‘Kainaki II Declaration on Urgent Climate Action Now’. According to Pacific island leaders, Australia’s Prime Minister Scott Morrison was explicit in offering aid in exchange for diluted language in the Declaration.

Continue reading for the full report

How Australia’s Climate Policies Risk the Pacific’s Security and Survival

Nations in the Asia Pacific region are among the biggest emitters of greenhouse gases in the world; Pacific island countries (PICs) are collectively responsible for only 0.23% of the world’s greenhouse gas emissions. Australia is the 15th largest emitter globally, responsible for 1.27% of CO2 emissions despite homing just 0.3% of the world’s population. According to 2019 research by the Australia Institute, Australia’s per capita emissions are the highest in the OECD “and globally behind only smaller petrostates like Qatar”. Moreover, these figures only account for domestic emissions. The CO2 potential of Australian fossil fuel exports is “more than twice as much as the greenhouse gas emissions Australia emits domestically”. When Australia’s domestic emissions and the CO2 potential from its fossil fuel exports are combined, the country ranks as the world’s 5th highest CO2 emitter. Australia therefore bears substantial responsibility for climate impacts felt in the Pacific islands.

When Australia’s domestic emissions and the CO2 potential from its fossil fuel exports are combined, the country ranks as the world’s 5th highest CO2 emitter.

The UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has found that limiting global warming to at least 1.5 degrees is necessary for the survival and security of the Pacific islands. In October 2021, Greenpeace UK’s investigative arm Unearthed revealed that the Australian government has tried to lobby the IPCC to change the conclusions of its report prior to its release, including objecting to uncontroversial statements that retiring old coal plants and halting the construction of new ones is needed to eliminate CO2 emissions.

Despite Australia’s attempts at interference, the IPCC has already detailed the climate threats facing the Pacific islands if global warming is not limited to at least 1.5 degrees. The most pressing climate impacts for Pacific island states are sea level rise and the growing intensity of tropical cyclones. Sea level rise in the Pacific has many knock-on effects including flooding, permanent inundation leading to saltwater intrusion in agricultural land and aquifers, erosion and pressure on ecosystems. IPCC scientists have stated with high confidence that by 2050 the frequency of extreme water-level events – such as those seen during king high tides – is expected to double. The interactions between sea level rise and wave dynamics over reefs “will lead to annual wave-driven overwash of most atoll islands by the mid 21st century”, according to leading climate scientists. Inundation of some Pacific island countries can be partially avoided by limiting warming to 1.5 degrees, as compared to 2 degrees where 60,000 people will lose their homes by 2150.

Climate hazards will lead to the loss of lives, livelihoods, property, place, culture and identity in the Pacific islands. Human wellbeing in the Pacific islands is greatly endangered by climate change, including through loss of lives in natural disasters, threats to food security, higher malnutrition, increase in non-communicable diseases and impacts on the livelihoods of farmers and fisherfolk due to declining fish stock and salt water inundation on agricultural lands. Climate-induced migration, as a result of these climate hazards, may become the only option for Pacific communities unless global warming is kept to a maximum of 1.5 degrees. Migration itself will cause loss of identity and culture for Pacific communities who have strong spiritual and functional connections to land. The psychosocial impacts of climate-induced migration will be severe and are difficult to comprehend.

According to Climate Analytics’ Climate Action Tracker research, Australia’s 2030 domestic emissions reduction target of 26-28% from 2005 levels, if extrapolated out to all nations, is consistent with between 3 and 4 degrees of global warming. Under Australia’s current climate policies, “emissions will continue to rise and are consistent with more than 3 degrees of warming”.

The Hon. Anote Tong, President of Kiribati (2003-2016), told Greenpeace Australia Pacific that 3 degrees of global warming would devastate the 33 atoll islands of Kiribati. Already Kiribati is experiencing the impacts of climate change. Anote Tong explained:

The Hon. Anote Tong

President of Kiribati
2003-2016

Any marginal increase in sea level rise would have significant impacts. Already we are suffering with extra high tides [...] Everybody lives on the seaside here in Kiribati - we are never too far away from the coastline. Homes are always being threatened, there are homes that have been eroded and we have people who’ve been displaced. Obviously that will get worse. We have a line of coconut trees - what we call the ‘frontline’ - and they keep falling line after line. Just last week, I was on the ocean side of the island on a boat and we’re seeing these lines of trees falling one after the other.

Source: Interview with Greenpeace Australia, 15 October 2021.

Pacific island leaders have long requested that Australia recognise its responsibility for climate change as a major emitter, and strengthen its emissions reduction targets accordingly. The threat of climate change to the Pacific islands has been raised at the Pacific Islands Forum Leaders meetings since 1988. In 1997, the Australian government under John Howard forced members of the Pacific Islands Forum (then the South Pacific Forum) to remove its concern about climate change risks and its support for emissions reduction measures from the Forum’s official communiqué. This coercive and stubborn behaviour from Australia has continued since 1997. In the last 6 years, since 2015, there have been numerous reports of the Australian government diluting the Forum’s official communiqué and ignoring the impassioned requests of Forum members for Australia to curb its greenhouse gas emissions and transition away from fossil fuels.

Bullying Behaviour at Regional
Climate Negotiations

At regional negotiations, most notably the annual Pacific Islands Forum, the Australian government has repeatedly ignored the calls of Pacific island leaders to strengthen its climate policies and increase the ambition of its emissions reduction targets. The Australian government has used its power to stymie regional climate action and water down the Forum’s official communiqué, with reports from Pacific island leaders – including those interviewed by Greenpeace Australia Pacific – suggesting that the Australian government uses its aid money to the Pacific as a bargaining chip to buy the silence of Pacific island leaders on climate change.

Pacific island leaders say that the Australian government uses its aid money to the Pacific as a bargaining chip to buy silence on climate change.

At the 2018 Forum hosted by Nauru, the Australian government attempted to wield its power in climate negotiations. At this Forum, Pacific island leaders negotiated the terms of the Boe Declaration on Regional Security. The first clause of the declaration is that Forum Members “reaffirm that climate change remains the single greatest threat to the livelihoods, security and wellbeing of the peoples of the Pacific and our commitment to the implementation of the Paris Agreement”. The Hon. Ralph Regenvanu, Vanuatu’s Minister of Foreign Affairs (2017 – 2020), was present at the Pacific Islands Forum that year. In an interview with Greenpeace Australia Pacific, Regenvanu stated that “Australia did not like that wording at all”.

The Hon. Ralph Regenvanu

MP and Leader of the Opposition in Vanuatu

previous Minister of Foreign Affairs 2017-2020

I know because I was the one who proposed that wording, that specific sentence, and we had our people push to keep that wording in there and Australia was very against it. But in the end we said this wording has to be there and there’s no way we’re going to compromise on this.

Source: Interview with Greenpeace Australia Pacific, October 6th 2021.

The following year, at the Pacific Islands Forum in 2019, again Australia acted with determination to dilute the Forum’s official communiqué on climate change – in particular the ‘Kainaki II Declaration for Urgent Climate Action Now’. Australian Prime Minister, Scott Morrison, and then-Minister for International Development and the Pacific, Alex Hawke, drew several red lines during negotiations. These red lines included removing any mention in the communiqué of ending coal production, phasing out fossil fuel subsidies or setting a clear plan for net-zero emissions by 2050 through more ambitious 2030 targets.

Indeed, the final text of the ‘Kainaki II Declaration for Urgent Climate Action Now’ states that emissions reduction strategies “may include” net zero carbon by 2050 commitments, suggesting that there are other ways to reduce emissions. This is presumably a reference to the use of Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS) projects, which are widely promoted by the Morrison government but have repeatedly underperformed. The biggest CCS project in the world (Chevron’s Gorgon Gas Plant in Western Australia) led to an increase in greenhouse gas emissions. It is fair to say that an optional net-zero by 2050 target, with no commitment to stronger 2030 emission reduction targets, does not meet the requirements of ‘urgent climate action now’; however, the Pacific islands could not get Australia’s support thereby preventing more ambitious regional commitments.

Fiji’s Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama took to Twitter to express his disappointment with Australia’s influence on the 2019 Pacific Islands Forum negotiations, tweeting that “watered-down climate language has real consequences – like water-logged homes, schools, communities and ancestral burial grounds”. The Australian government’s refusal to budge on climate change mitigation meant that the meeting lasted close to 12 hours, leading to several cancelled sessions and press conferences, and almost broke down entirely on two occasions. Ralph Regenvanu stated that, at one point, the impasse was only resolved by Morrison agreeing to declare a climate crisis for the Pacific island countries but not the Pacific region which includes Australia. Meanwhile, the deadly 2019-2020 Australian bushfire season was already underway – starting in June, much earlier than usual bushfire seasons, because of hotter and drier conditions, exacerbated by climate change.

The Australian government’s use of aid funding as a bargaining chip in negotiations, discussed in greater detail in 02: Problems and Pitfalls of Australian Climate Aid, came under the spotlight at the 2019 Forum. Then-Prime Minister of Tuvalu, Enele Sopoaga, who hosted the Forum in 2019, stated that Australia’s pledge of $500 million (AUD) in climate aid felt like Pacific island leaders were being asked to “take the money and shut up.” Sopoaga told Australia,

The Hon. Enele Sopoaga

Prime Minister of Tuvalu
2003-2016

No matter how much money you put on the table, that doesn’t give you the excuse not to do the right thing - that is cutting down your emissions, including not opening your coal mines. That is the thing we want to see.

Source: Nick Baker (October 23, 2019), “Take the money and shut up: Ex-Tuvalu PM slams Morrison’s climate bargaining”, SBS News

Sopoaga added, in an interview with SBS, that “putting this money on the table – $500 million – and then expecting Pacific island countries like Tuvalu to say ‘OK, we’ll stop talking about climate change’ is not on – it’s completely irresponsible”. Ralph Regenvanu who also attended the 2019 Pacific Islands Forum as then-Minister of Foreign Affairs of Vanuatu confirmed this, stating:

The Hon. Ralph Regenvanu

MP and Leader of the Opposition in Vanuatu

previous Minister of Foreign Affairs 2017-2020

I was very reliably informed of statements made by the Prime Minister of Australia concerning financial assistance to be given to the region as a way of trying to curb insistence on stronger language in the text [of the Kanaiki II Declaration].

This was not the first time that Pacific island leaders have raised the issue of Australia hoping to exchange aid money for concessions on climate. Australia also behaved this way in 2015, in the lead up to the Conference of the Parties meeting in Paris (COP21).

Refusal to Support the Pacific’s Fight for the Paris Agreement

The 2015 Pacific Islands Forum, held 8-10 September at Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea, took place only 3 months prior to COP21 in Paris (where the landmark Paris Agreement was reached). At the Pacific Islands Forum, Australia was asked to strengthen its climate ambition to support a 1.5 degree global warming limit. President of Kiribati at the time, Anote Tong, told Tony Abbott: “we cannot negotiate this, no matter how much aid. We cannot be bought on this one because it’s about the future”. When asked about his comments at the 2015 Forum, Anote Tong told Greenpeace Australia Pacific:

The Hon. Anote Tong

President of Kiribati
2003-2016

Sometimes we tend to trade off aid for something much larger. When it comes to the threat of climate change, the climate change impact is far too high a price to pay and therefore not a matter to be negotiated with.

At the 2015 Forum meeting, Pacific islands members also discussed kicking out Australia and New Zealand (under the National Party Government) from the Forum because they were obstructing much-needed consensus to limit global warming to 1.5 degrees. According to Anote Tong:

The Hon. Anote Tong

President of Kiribati
2003-2016

The Forum meeting followed a meeting we had in Suva, Fiji, with the Pacific Islands Development Forum where the Pacific islands leaders made a declaration that we should go to Paris with a united front. We needed a declaration, which we were hoping to have endorsed by the PIF meeting in Port Moresby. We had difficulty trying to get consensus because essentially the Australian and New Zealand position was not in harmony with the rest of the Pacific island countries who were determined to go for a global rise in temperature of less than 1.5 degrees. It was really clear from the Australians that they saw 1.5 degrees as too much of a sacrifice on their part and would have preferred to see something like 2 degrees rise in global temperature because anything less they thought would be detrimental to their economic performance. So there was a vast gap in expectations between the Pacific island countries and the two metropolitan powers in the forum.

Source: Interview with Greenpeace Australia, 15 October 2021.

The Australian government’s stubbornness on a 1.5 degree limit continued as COP21 in Paris drew closer, even after the Liberal Party’s leadership spill and change of Prime Minister from Tony Abbott to Malcolm Turnbull. At the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in Malta on 27-29 November 2015, only two weeks before COP21 in Paris, the new Turnbull Government again refused to support a 1.5 degree limit in global warming. Anote Tong was there and told Greenpeace Australia Pacific,

The Hon. Anote Tong

President of Kiribati
2003-2016

In Malta, there were a number of Commonwealth countries who came around to supporting the 1.5 degrees limit - one was Canada. We were looking to Australia to see if they would read the flow, to read where the current was going, and go along with 1.5 degrees as part of the grouping of Commonwealth countries. It did not, and that was a disappointment.

Source: Interview with Greenpeace Australia, 15 October 2021.

Then-Australian Prime Minister, Malcolm Turnbull, disputes President Tong’s version of events.

During this time the High Ambition Coalition (HAC) – convened by Pacific island country the Marshall Islands – had been busy securing the majority support of UN members to limit global warming to 1.5 degrees. By the time Julie Bishop, Australia’s then-Deputy Prime Minister, attended the COP, the High Ambition Coalition had gained enough momentum without Australia’s support. Only at this point, amidst the Paris negotiations and realising the huge weight of numbers behind the HAC, did the Australian government belatedly agree to a limit of well below 2 degrees of global warming and preferably below 1.5 degrees.

From Regional Bully to Respectful Partner?

Pacific island countries have successfully banded together to achieve climate action in multilateral forums including the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) annual Conference of the Parties. As Dr. Wesley Morgan, Research Fellow at Griffith University puts it, “the Pacific has developed unique norms of regional cooperation, regional diplomacy and acting together as a bloc”. Dr. Joanne Wallis, Professor of International Security at the University of Adelaide, likewise explains that “Pacific island states are able to exercise an amazing amount of agency, considering what International Relations Theory would predict given their size, particularly on climate”. Marshall Islands Foreign Minister Tony de Brum was instrumental in forming the High Ambition Coalition, which successfully lobbied for the 1.5 degree temperature limit to be included in the Paris Agreement. The ‘loss and damage’ clause in Article 8 of the Paris Agreement would also not have been incorporated without the Pacific islands’ efforts. Vanuatu was the first country to call for loss and damage under the UNFCCC in the early 1990s, and is now working to get an International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion on the duty of care each country owes to present and future generations to protect them from the adverse effects of climate change.

However, despite the agency of Pacific island countries and their undeniable climate achievements when they cooperate as a bloc, these island nations remain vulnerable to the climate policies and geopolitical ambitions of wealthier and more powerful nations. As Wallis points out, “overlaying on the Pacific’s climate leadership, there is the role of external powers in the region and this can be quite divisive”. As a transnational problem, tackling climate change requires international action. The Pacific island countries are world-leading voices in the climate movement, but their security against the threat of climate change remains in the hands of more powerful states, including Australia.

The Pacific island countries are world-leading voices in the climate movement, but their security against the threat of climate change remains in the hands of more powerful states, including Australia.

Australia has been able to continually ignore and even coerce Pacific island countries on the issue of climate change because it is uniquely powerful in the Pacific region – economically, militarily and in its soft power. Australia is the largest and wealthiest member of the Pacific Islands Forum, and the largest aid donor to Pacific island countries by a wide margin – giving approximately six times more in annual aid than China. Furthermore, Australia is recognised by the United States as jointly responsible for ensuring military security in the region, and the two countries share the same anxieties about a ‘rising China’ even though Pacific island leaders themselves have not expressed the same level of concern about Chinese influence. The Australia-UK-US (AUKUS) strategic defence alliance announced on 15 September 2021 is recent evidence of this security arrangement in the Pacific, but such an arrangement dates back much further to the 1951 Radford-Collins naval agreement.

Ralph Regenvanu explains that Pacific island countries have little power in negotiations with Australia, and so they struggle to stand up to Australia on climate change. While Australia can use aid funding and labour mobility arrangements as bargaining chips, “we’ve got very little we can go back with, partly because the Pacific hasn’t been able to extricate itself from Australia and New Zealand”. He added,

Ralph Regenvanu

MP and Leader of the Opposition in Vanuatu

previous Minister of Foreign Affairs 2017-2020

Vanuatu objects obviously to Australia’s climate policies but what can we do beyond saying what we say and the agreements we make and take to international meetings and the Pacific Islands Forum? Given there’s very little we can do, beyond not signing up to the PACER Plus [free trade agreement], we have to maintain a good relationship mostly because we have a lot of partnership on development projects being funded by Australia.

Source: Interview with Greenpeace Australia Pacific, 6 October 2021.

Using its power to ignore and coerce, the Australian government does not engage the Pacific islands as equals, despite them being sovereign nations. Anote Tong told Greenpeace Australia Pacific that he hopes Australia will engage respectfully with the Pacific islands:

The Hon. Anote Tong

President of Kiribati
2003-2016

The question is ‘how do we view each other?’. Do we respect each other or are we just pawns in this whole game? I cannot read into the minds of Australian leaders but it’s always been my hope that we would treat each other with mutual respect, but I’m not sure this has always been the case. Of course, that is to be expected between a very large and highly developed country like Australia compared to a very small country struggling to develop like Kiribati. But we should be partners in every respect and not when it is convenient to one party but not the other, for example on climate change. We expect Australia to be stepping forward because climate change is very important for us and we’re meant to be part of this family. It had always been my expectation, my hope, that Australia would provide the leadership we desperately need on climate change.

Source: Interview with Greenpeace Australia, 15 October 2021.

Anote Tong’s mention of a Pacific ‘family’ is a direct reference to rhetoric adopted by Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison in recent years. At two separate addresses in 2019, Morrison used Pacific languages to describe Australia as part of the Pacific family, referring to “our Vuvale, our wantok, our Whanau”.

Morrison has been at pains to point out that within families there are disagreements; however, core disagreements over the region’s primary security threat are already undermining the strength of regional relations. When Australia signed its nuclear-powered submarine deal with the US and UK on 15 September 2021- which it justifies as a necessary military capability against the threat of China – Pacific island countries were quick to express their concern and point out that they had not been consulted prior to the announcement of the deal. Political and community leaders in the Pacific, including the current President of Kiribati, Taneti Maamuu, reiterated that climate change is their core security concern and not China’s growing power. This is a widely held view among Pacific island leaders who are willing to engage in bilateral relations with Australia, the US and China. As then-Prime Minister of Samoa Tuilaepa Malielegaoi stated in 2019, “[Australia’s] friends are our friends but their enemies are not our enemies”.

Given the submarines are to be sailed in the Pacific, a region that has historically suffered the worst effects of nuclear testing, the lack of consultation was not received well. The projected cost of over $90 billion also left the Pacific reeling. Ralph Regenvanu states that, with that amount of money the “entire Pacific could have cyclone proof infrastructure that lasts, which is what we want” – protection against a more relevant and tangible threat in a region that has experienced six category 5 tropical cyclones since 2015.

Australia’s relations in the Pacific have been undermined by its continued refusal to listen to Pacific island countries when they say climate change is the biggest security threat facing the region.

The Australian government’s rhetoric of the Pacific ‘family’ means little when it refuses to do its part in mitigating climate change. Region experts told Greenpeace Australia Pacific that Australia is undermining good relations with Pacific islands because of its stubborn refusal to tackle climate change, an existential threat that risks the security and survival of Pacific peoples. To restore relations in the Pacific, Australia must respect Pacific island countries and act on the primary security threat they have repeatedly identified and sought more ambitious action on: climate change. As Hilda Heine, President of the Marshall Islands, told a packed lecture theatre at the Australian National University in 2017:

The Hon. Hilda Heine

President of the Marshall Islands 2016-2020

While some in Australia may think that your approach to climate change cannot influence the views of others to do more, I can assure you that it does influence the way in which Australia is viewed in the Pacific. Many of the 3.4 million people in the Pacific islands think of Australia as a big brother or sister. Imagine how you would feel if your big brother or big sister was not only openly mocking the science, but even occasionally mocking your very own plight. This not only does your country a disservice, it openly weakens your ability to be a force for good on the world stage especially in our shared neighborhood.

SOURCE: H.E Hilda Heine, Lecture at ANU, “Climate Change Crisis: An Examination of the Turbulent History and Modern Day Consequences of the Vulnerability of the Marshall Islands”, May 16, 2017 (14:20-15:39)

With Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison unlikely to increase the ambition of Australia’s 2030 emissions reduction targets ahead of the UN Conference of the Parties (COP26) in Glasgow this year, Pacific island countries are once again let down by the country that calls itself their ‘big brother’ yet is willing to jeopardise their survival.

03

Out of Step with the
Region and the World
on Climate Action

Research & Investigations
Key Findings

Australia’s key allies and many of its main trading partners have increased the ambition of their 2030 emissions reduction targets, while Australia lags behind. From a 2005 baseline, the US has committed to a 2030 emissions reduction target of 50-52%, the UK 63% and the EU 51%. Australia’s NDC is only a 26-28% reduction in emissions by 2030.

The EU has agreed to implement a trade sanction in the form of a carbon border adjustment mechanism, which places a tax on fossil fuel intensive imports. Japan and Canada are currently working on similar carbon border adjustment mechanisms. In 2018-2019, Japan was Australia’s second largest export market - including second largest for Australian aluminum (a fossil fuel intensive product).

Key trading partners’ climate policies, which involve a rapid renewable energy transition, will significantly reduce demand for Australia’s exports of coal and gas, which currently make up 50% of Australian exports.

Trade data indicates that the coal export demand gap left by Japan, South Korea and China will not be filled by developing countries, spelling serious trouble for Australia’s economy.

Continue reading for the full report

Key Allies and Trading Partners
on Australia’s Climate Recalcitrance 

In recent years, and particularly since the Paris Agreement of 2015, key allies and trading partners worldwide have joined Pacific island countries in calling out Australia on its lack of climate ambition. The EU, the UK, and the US (under the Biden Administration), among others, have all been vocal about Australia’s insufficient emissions reduction targets. While these interventions have largely been shrugged off by the government of the day, including the current Morrison government, it is increasingly clear that Australia’s climate policies are putting the country out of step with key allies and trading partners across the region and the globe.

20th April 2015
China, the US, Brazil, and the EU lodge questions through the UN for Australia over its climate change policies
6th May 2015
Fiji PM Frank Bainimarama to shun Pacific Island Forum over 'undue influence' of Australia, particularly on climate
5th June 2015
Australia’s Coalition government defends climate change policies after grilling from US, China, South Africa at UN meeting
10th September 2015
We Cannot Be Bought On Climate Change, President of Kiribati Anote Tong Warns Australian PM Tony Abbott
12th December 2015
Marshallese Foreign Minister Tony deBrum indicates Australia will need to improve its climate policies if it wants to be part of the High Ambition Coalition
21st April 2016
Australia snubbed by ‘High Ambition Coalition’ due to unambitious climate policies
10th October 2017
Tony Abbott tells climate sceptics forum global warming may be good and climate science is ‘crap’
1st November 2017
Pacific Island communities call for Australia not to fund Adani coalmine
4th July 2018
Tony Abbott wants Australia to pull out of the Paris Climate deal he supported as PM
5th September 2018
Australia's relationship with Pacific on climate change 'dysfunctional' and 'abusive', according to Palau’s national climate change coordinator
7th October 2018
Australian Minister of Foreign Affairs tries to water down the Boe Declaration at the 2018 Pacific Island Forum in Nauru
8th October 2018
Australian PM Scott Morrison rules out providing any more money to UN Green Climate Fund
18th May 2019
Australia’s federal election sees Scott Morrison’s governing Liberal party take climate wrecking policies to the election, and demonises Labor’s pro-electric vehicle policies as ‘ending the weekend’ and their modest climate action target as ‘uneconomic’
15th August 2019
NZ Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern says that “Australia has to answer to Pacific” on climate at the 2019 Pacific Islands Forum in Tuvalu
16th August 2019
Australia accused of putting coal before ‘Pacific family’, watering down the official communiqué, at 2019 Pacific Islands Forum in Tuvalu
22nd August 2019
Australian Deputy PM apologises for telling Pacific it will survive climate change as workers 'pick our fruit'
10th December 2020
Australian PM Scott Morrison denied speaking slot at climate ambition summit, due to lack of ambitious climate policies
11th December 2020
British foreign minister explains why Scott Morrison's climate invitation was withdrawn
14th June 2021
Australia left isolated on climate after G7 leaders pledge to end support for coal-fired power stations
15th June 2021
While in the UK to attend the G7 meeting and negotiate a US-Australia free trade deal, PM Morrison gives a video address to the Australian Petroleum Production and Exploration Association conference in Perth
28th June 2021
US, European and UK diplomats meet to encourage Australia to ramp up climate action
22nd July 2021
Foreign diplomats from UK, US, Europe and Canada meet and discuss Australia’s weak climate commitments
11th August 2021
Fiji calls on Australia to 'walk the talk' by adopting more ambitious emissions targets
20th August 2021
The US, UK and former UN Chief Ban Ki-Moon pile onto Australia’s approach to climate change at the virtual ‘Better Futures Forum’
9th September 2021
A leaked email to Sky News UK shows that Australian ministers pressured the UK to drop references to the Paris Agreement and limiting warming to 1.5 degrees in UK-Australia free trade agreement
29th September 2021
British High Commissioner to Australia, Vicki Treadell, says that the UK government would be “very disappointed” if PM Scott Morrison does not attend COP26
5th October 2021
Alok Sharma, British Minister responsible for COP26, urges Australian PM Scott Morrison to attend after Morrison indicates a no-show
6th October 2021
France and other EU countries outspoken on how far Australia has fallen in the world's favour
China, the US, Brazil, and the EU lodge questions through the UN for Australia over its climate change policies

The questions have been lodged with the United Nations for Australia to answer in the lead-up to the December climate summit in Paris, where the world is supposed to sign a global deal to combat climate change.

China accused Australia of doing less to cut emissions than it is demanding of other developed countries. 

It comes as Australia is facing questions in diplomatic circles for not sending a minister or its chief climate change negotiator to a meeting of the Major Economies Forum on Energy and Climate in Washington DC, starting on Sunday.

Sydney Morning Herald

Dr. Matt McDonald, Associate Professor of International Relations at University of Queensland, refers to Australia’s climate policies as a “perfect storm”, with serious repercussions for the country’s regional and international relations if these policies remain weak by comparison with similar developed countries. Dr. McDonald explains that there have been numerous attempts – both indirect and direct – by other nations to bring Australia onside with stronger climate policies.

Dr. Matt McDonald, Associate Professor of International Relations at University of Queensland, refers to Australia’s climate policies as a “perfect storm”, with serious repercussions for the country’s regional and international relations

Indirect pressure includes other governments setting stronger targets and commitments for themselves and bringing these to international forums such as the annual UNFCCC Conference of the Parties. For instance, the United States is heading to this year’s Conference of the Parties in Glasgow (COP26) with an updated Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) of a 50-52% reduction in emissions by 2030 (from 2005 levels). From the same 2005 baseline, the UK’s updated NDC is at least a 63% reduction in emissions by 2030. In December 2020, the EU managed to get all its member states to agree to at least a 51% net domestic reduction in emissions by 2030). Australia’s NDC remains unchanged since 2015, and is only a 26-28% reduction in emissions by 2030. As Dr. McDonald puts it, “even if it’s not directly targeting Australia, the level of others’ commitments [applies] a degree of pressure because you can’t help but engage in comparisons”. 

Instances of direct pressure include recent attempts by the UK to try to ensure that its free trade agreement with Australia contained commitments to limiting warming to 1.5 degrees in line with the Paris Agreement. Ultimately the UK backed down after Australia drew a red line on climate action, emails leaked to the media revealed. However, Dr. McDonald says this was “still an example of where the UK tied something that Australia really wanted – a free trade deal with post-Brexit Britain – to Australia’s lack of climate ambition and in particular its lack of alignment with limiting warming to 1.5 degrees”. 

There have also been numerous and increasingly frequent instances of direct criticism of Australia’s climate policies by key allies and trading partners, whether at climate negotiations or in the media in response to Australia’s articulation of its climate policies. In the last month, as Prime Minister Scott Morrison expressed his uncertainty about attending COP26 in Glasgow, both Alok Sharma (the British Minister presiding over COP26) and Vicki Treadell (the British High Commissioner to Australia) told the media they would be disappointed if Morrison did not attend. European, British and American diplomats have also met in Canberra several times this year to discuss how they can engage in dialogue with Australia after the US lifted its level of climate ambition. A meeting in July (2021), brought together ambassadors, high commissioners and deputy heads of mission of the UK, the US, the EU, Denmark, France, Italy, Germany, Canada and Sweden. Australia is becoming well-known among key allies and trading partners as a climate laggard and this has implications for the country’s diplomacy, economy and reputation.

Implications for Australia’s
Diplomacy and Reputation

In December 2020, Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison’s speaking slot at the UN’s Climate Ambition Summit was withdrawn due to Australia’s lack of climate ambition. When challenged in parliament by independent MP Zali Stegall on the snub, Morrison retorted that “the member seems to think what’s relevant is whether you speak at summits. This is not something that troubles me or concerns me one way or another – if people wish us to speak at them, we’re happy to come. If they don’t, then I’m not fussed”. 

While Morrison’s comments downplayed the significance of international forums, participation in these events is important for Australia’s diplomatic relations and reputation on the world stage. Gareth Evans, Australia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1988 to 1996, told Greenpeace Australia Pacific that Australia’s “credibility in all sorts of ways depends on our being seen to be responsible, good international citizens and Australia is putting that reputation very much at risk on the climate front”. Morrison portrays Australia’s participation in multilateral organisations as optional; however, according to Evans, multilateralism is required to address many of the issues Australia faces along with the rest of the world.

Multilateralism is not seen by this government as in any way central, but that is extremely short-sighted. Many of the world’s problems, including the big three existential problems that go to life on this planet - climate, pandemics and nuclear war - those big existential issues are only capable of being addressed by cooperative multilateral action. It can’t be done unilaterally, it can’t be done bilaterally. There’s unregulated population movements, international sex trafficking, drug trafficking, terrorism, weapons proliferation - all of these issues Kofi Annan used to describe as ‘problems without passports’.

Australia is not immune from any of these trans-national issues and, indeed, is vulnerable in regards to several of them – including climate change. Australia will benefit from the more ambitious emissions reduction policies of other states, while not coming close to matching the commitments of comparable developed economies. This will be noticed by the international community. The weak commitments that Prime Minister Scott Morrison takes to COP26 in Glasgow – including no update to Australia’s 2030 emissions reduction target – will be noticed, as the UK has already warned, and may well affect Australia’s ability to work cooperatively with other states on other issues in Australia’s national interest. As Gareth Evans puts it,

A country’s reputation for decency in these matters does really, really matter. There is a sort of give and take [in international relations]. If you are seen to be a responsible player on issues where you don’t immediately gain in economic or security terms, then that is really money in the bank when it comes to getting other countries’ support for issues which are less salient for them but very salient for us - issues that are in our hard-headed national interest.

Australia’s reputation in the Pacific region, in particular, may cause issues for Australia in the future. Pacific island countries are sovereign nations which, although small, each have their own vote and voice in multilateral forums like the United Nations. Gareth Evans explains, “you can’t ignore the sheer weight of numbers of the Pacific island countries. If they turn against us, that’s no help to us in achieving other multilateral objectives”. Former President of Kiribati Anote Tong told Greenpeace Australia Pacific, “when Australia was bidding for a seat on the UN Security Council [in 2012], I’m sure every Pacific President and Prime Minister voted in support of Australia on the basis that climate change would be classified as a security issue.”

Australia may lose support from the Pacific islands in future scenarios similar to the UN Security Council bid if it continues to disregard the wishes of the Pacific islands on mitigating against climate change and providing adequate climate finance.

Implications for Australia’s
Economy and Trade

Australia’s failure to commit to significant reductions in domestic emissions and policies such as carbon pricing will soon lead to trade sanctions, such as carbon border adjustments, being placed on Australian exports. Economic losses will therefore be another consequence of Australia’s climate policies, in addition to diplomatic and reputational losses. 

Key trading partners such as the EU, US and UK have increased their level of climate ambition with knock-on effects for Australia. For example, in July 2021 the EU released details of its carbon border adjustment mechanism. The EU is implementing climate policies that involve carbon taxes on domestic businesses with significant greenhouse gas emissions, but they do not want overseas competitors – who are not paying carbon taxes – to outcompete domestic businesses. Given Australia has no carbon taxes on domestic production, it would need to pay a carbon tax on its fossil fuel intensive exports to the EU so as to not have an unfair advantage against European competitors.

A report by business lobby group the Australian Industry Group found that in the early stages of the EU’s carbon border adjustment mechanism, there will be minimal impact on Australian exports to Europe. However, in the medium-long term, as the mechanism expands to include the electricity emissions of a company, the profitability of Australian steel, aluminium and zinc would be hit even harder as these are currently coal-intensive industries. The tariff for Australian aluminium produced through coal power could be as high as 700 Euro per tonne.

The tariff for Australian aluminium produced through coal power could be as high as 700 Euro per tonne.

Carbon adjustment mechanisms like the EU’s are also justified on the basis that there would be no net cut to greenhouse gas emissions without them. This is a phenomenon called ‘carbon leakage’, and refers to the site of the greenhouse gas emissions simply being moved to somewhere else in the world rather than reduced. Carbon border adjustment mechanisms may become commonplace worldwide, as countries look to avoid carbon leakage. At the 2021 G7 meeting in Cornwall, leaders backed the introduction of carbon pricing policies partly to ensure that carbon leakage is minimised. Japan and Canada are working on similar carbon border adjustment schemes to the EU’s. In 2018-2019, Japan was Australia’s second large trading partner and second-largest export market. It was Australia’s largest export market for aluminium. Without implementing carbon pricing at home, Australia will suffer economically from the trade sanctions of other countries.

Implications of the
Global Energy Transition
for Australia’s Policy

Australia’s biggest trading partners are also transitioning away from the use of fossil fuel powered energy, committing to more ambitious 2030 targets and net zero emissions reduction targets in the mid-century. This will require adjustment policies for Australian workers and communities dependent on coal mining. The Australian government’s unwillingness to admit that coal exports are bound to decline means that such measures are not being considered and this will leave these workers and communities, as well as Australia more broadly, in economic turmoil. Many countries used the Coronavirus pandemic as an opportunity to invest in a renewables-led recovery, as part of their economic stimulus packages. Australia failed to do so, spending less than 2% of its economic stimulus money on climate solutions. By comparison, 74.5% of Canada’s recovery spending, 26.54% of Japan’s, and 20% of the UK’s, was on climate solutions. 

Australia failed to do so, spending less than 2% of its economic stimulus money on climate solutions. By comparison, 74.5% of Canada’s recovery spending, 26.54% of Japan’s, and 20% of the UK’s, was on climate solutions.

As the Morrison government continues to subsidise fossil fuels and touts a gas-led recovery from the Coronavirus pandemic, 3 of Australia’s biggest export markets for thermal coal – Japan, South Korea and China – have pledged net-zero targets. Japan and South Korea by 2050 and China by 2060. More than 70% of Australia’s two-way trade is now with countries that have committed to net zero emissions by or near mid century. 

On September 9 2021, Prime Minister Scott Morrison fielded a journalist’s question about setting an expiration date for coal mining given these changes to other countries’ climate policies. Morrison stated,

14:12:30 - 14:13:44

09/09/2021 - Scott Morrison, Press Conference

On the issue you raised regarding the mining sector, that is absolutely critical to Australia’s future. We will keep on mining, of course we’ll keep on mining. We will keep on mining the resources that we are able to sell on the world market.

The only countries buying on the world market, however, will be developing countries for whom the renewable energy transition will be slower to achieve. This is no doubt why Morrison added that “we obviously anticipate that over time world demand for these things may change but I’ll tell you the other thing we’ll do, and that is work particularly with developing countries”:

"They will continue, as the current agreements already provide for, to be using the resources that Australia has exported for a long time."

On an economic level alone the Australian economy will be severely impacted when Japan, South Korea and China are no longer importing Australia’s thermal coal and gas. Greenpeace Australia Pacific crunched the numbers on the International Trade Centre’s Trade Map database. The export value of Australian coal to Japan, China and South Korea dwarfs that of developing countries like India and those in South East Asia. For example, in 2020, the value of Australian coal exports to East Asia was $27,501,389,000, over 3 times as much as those to India and over 6 and half times those to South East Asian countries. Morrison’s argument that the mining sector is absolutely critical to Australia’s future proves to be shaky on closer inspection. Without substantive changes to Australia’s export economy, including a science-based transition away from coal and gas to renewable energy, Australia stands to lose a lot by keeping its weak climate policies.

On an economic level alone the Australian economy will be severely impacted when Japan, South Korea and China are no longer importing Australia’s thermal coal and gas.
Evidence showing the export market of Australian coal to East Asia compared to South East Asia and India

International Trade Centre’s TradeMap database.
The TradeMap database uses Australian Bureau of Statistics and UN Comtrade data.

Why Suffer the Costs
of Climate Inaction?

The Australian government is under steadily increasing pressure from key allies and trading partners across the region and the world to strengthen its weak climate policies. In response, it continues to downplay the importance of multilateral forums. Such isolationism is not, however, a strategy without repercussions for Australia’s regional and international relations in the future. As Australia takes the role of bad international citizen – refusing to move on a key transnational issue that many nations care deeply about – it is suffering a reputational and diplomatic loss that could jeopardise its ability to gain international support in the future on issues it deems salient. Multilateralism is nothing to scoff at, particularly when tackling ‘problems without passports’.

As Australia takes the role of bad international citizen - refusing to move on a key transnational issue that many nations care deeply about - it is suffering a reputational and diplomatic loss that could jeopardise its ability to gain international support in the future on issues it deems salient.

Economically, there is strong evidence showing that Australia needs to rapidly transition away from coal exports to goods and services with a long-term future. Currently, Australia’s export economy is highly reliant on coal and gas, making up 50% of all Australian exports; however, Australia has enormous potential to diversify its export economy – particularly in services. There is not a profitable or sustainable future for fossil fuel – and fossil fuel intensive – exports beyond the next 5 years, as Australia’s key trading partners carry out their own climate policies, including implementing carbon border taxes to stop ‘carbon leakage’ and accelerating the renewable energy transition. Unless a stubborn dedication to climate inaction is the hill Australia wants to die on, the Morrison government needs to set 2030 emissions reduction targets at least in line with comparable developed economies (50-70%) and preferably a science-based target of 75%. Australia’s diplomacy, reputation, economy and environment depend upon it.